{"id":8857,"date":"2021-03-08T15:31:11","date_gmt":"2021-03-08T12:31:11","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/?p=8857"},"modified":"2021-03-08T15:31:12","modified_gmt":"2021-03-08T12:31:12","slug":"turkeys-influence-in-libyas-crisis-political-and-security-implications-inside-and-outside-libya","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/centre-for-researches-and-studies\/turkeys-influence-in-libyas-crisis-political-and-security-implications-inside-and-outside-libya\/","title":{"rendered":"Turkey\u2019s Influence in Libya\u2019s Crisis: Political and Security Implications Inside and Outside Libya"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n

Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The return of Turkish influence to Libya is an integral objective  for the Erdogan government, given its promising investment opportunities, oil resources, and significant geopolitical location:  serving as a springboard for Turkish  influence into the Mediterranean and a land bridge connecting the Arab world, Africa, and Europe. Now, Turkey is exploiting the current conflict and divisions inside Libya to implement an old scheme, which was revived following the so-called Arab Spring, to expand Turkish influence in the Arab world through the Maghreb. For this  scheme to be successful, Turkey must impose a type  of soft \u201cguardianship\u201d over some Arab Islamic countries to exploit their current state of fragmentation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Turkey\u2019s entrance into Libya was recognized by the Libyan Government of National Accord and supported by  radical Islamic currents.  On January 20, 2020, the Turkish Parliament approved a motion submitted by President Erdogan to authorize the deployment of Turkish troops to Libya. Two memorandums of understanding (MoUs) were signed between Erdogan and Fayez al-Sarraj,  the head of the Tripoli-based government \u2013 one MoU was on security and military cooperation and the second one was on the delimitation of maritime jurisdictions. As a result, Erdogan was granted the authorization needed to deploy Turkish troops in Libya. According to the motion, \u201cThe risks and threats are coming from Libya to Turkey and the whole region.\u201d This was Ankara\u2019s pretext.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

 This study aims to review Turkey\u2019s political and economic influence in the Maghreb in general, Ankara\u2019s motivations for supporting the Libyan Government of National Accord, the nature of Turkish support to Libya, and the consequences and risks of Turkish influence  in Libya   as well as its impact on the Arab region and the international community.  The study aims to project the future scenarios of  Turkey\u2019s political and military presence in Libya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

There are two parallel\u00a0governments operating in Libya: the Sarraj \u00a0government, partially backed by the international community and General Khalifa\u00a0Haftar\u2019s\u00a0rival government, supported by Libya\u2019s elected Parliament.\u00a0 They have invoked dramatic and rapid changes in Libya. This internal division paved the way for several regional and international actors to intervene in Libya, creating a more fertile climate to expand \u00a0Libya\u2019s civil war over a longer period and across wider regions. This has made Libya one of the most complex conflict situations, where religion is intertwined with politics; geography with economics; and regional with international issues. \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

I- Turkey\u2019s Objectives \u00a0in the Maghreb<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Turkey  has a very long historical experience in ruling over colonies, which  motivates it to expand its influence  in the Maghreb. Nowadays,  during Erdogan\u2019s era, Turkish colonialism is carried out  via cultural, economic and military means in a race to control the southern coasts of the Mediterranean. Erdogan directed Turkish military commanders to improve the country\u2019s naval forces in order to entrench  a Turkish presence in the Mediterranean. Furthermore, Erdogan has adopted a hegemonic naval strategy developed by nationalist Turkish military commanders called the \u201cBlue Homeland Doctrine\u201d [Mavi Vatan] to control the Aegean Sea and most of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea.[1]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

  1. Political and Ideological Interests<\/strong><\/em><\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n

    The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has developed the so-called \u201creturn of Ottomanism,\u201d or \u201cneo-Ottomanism\u201d as a national policy. It has attempted to  combine the republican values of Atat\u00fcrkism with  Ottoman glory,  hence serving the party\u2019s interests at home and abroad. The party has  employed all propaganda tools available to introduce and convince the Turkish people of this new national policy linking their present to their old Ottoman heritage.    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    After gaining public acceptance of this new policy at the domestic level,  following years of  economic growth since the AKP took power,  the Turkish leadership has worked to expand its vital spheres of influence across the Middle East and North Africa, exploiting the power vacuum resulting from the Arab Spring.  After the collapse of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali\u2019s regime in Tunisia in 2011, and the victory of Ennahda in the elections, which is an Islamist movement  similar to the AKP,  Turkish-Tunisian relations were boosted unprecedentedly. President Erdogan became a role model for Islamists in Tunisia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Both the Turkish and Tunisian governments adopt convergent positions regarding the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord. President Erdogan in late 2019 visited Tunisia with the Turkish ministers of defense, foreign affairs and intelligence when they were preparing to deploy Turkish troops and military equipment to Libya in support of the Tripoli-based government. The visit of Rached Ghannouchi, head of the Ennahda Party and the Tunisian Parliament speaker, to Turkey on January 12, 2020, invoked harsh public criticism amid rising calls to  propose a motion of no-confidence against Ghannouchi, accusing him of turning Tunisia into a Turkish logistical base. This harsh criticism emerged following reports stating that a Turkish plane loaded with aid to Libya had landed in southern Tunisia.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Turkey-Algeria relations have prospered since the AKP  came to power in Turkey in 2002. Since then, Erdogan has visited Algeria three times: the first visit in 2006 when he was prime minister; the second visit in February 2018; and the third visit in January 2020. Amid its efforts to find a peaceful way out of the Libyan crisis rising at its border, Algeria opened discussions with Turkey after it intervened in Libya. Though it adopts a similar position to that of Turkey regarding  the Sarraj  government \u2013 as an internationally-recognized government \u2013  it still has some reservations about  Turkey\u2019s military role in Libya, especially Erdogan\u2019s deployment of Syrian mercenaries to Libya, triggering fears among  Algerians of their impact on Algeria\u2019s  national security.<\/p>\n\n\n

    2-Economic Interests<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n

    Turkey has exerted considerable efforts to penetrate the Maghreb economies.  According to statistics released in 2018, the estimated population of the Maghreb is approximately 110 million people (43.3 million in Algeria, 42.1 million in Morocco, and 12 million in Tunisia, 7 million in Libya and 3 million in Mauritania). After the Arab Spring, Turkish exports to the Maghreb countries bounced to $6.570 billion in 2018, compared to $4.857 billion in 2010 due to   Turkey\u2019s rapprochement with the new political systems, in which  Islamic parties play a greater role. On the contrary, the Maghreb countries have not increased their exports to Turkey; their exports declined to $2.4 billion, registering a huge trade deficit.[3]<\/a> In particular, Morocco\u2019s trade deficit with Turkey increased dramatically moving from 4.4 billion Moroccan dirhams (approximately $496 million) in 2006 to 16 billion dirhams ($1.66 billion) in 2018.[4]<\/a> Tunisia shuts down  374 textile manufacturers every year due to the competition they face from global textile firms, especially  from Turkish and Chinese ones.  Tunisia\u2019s trade deficit with Turkey grew to more than $750 million.[5]<\/a>  Turkish investments in Algeria, Turkey\u2019s largest trade partner in Africa, increased to more than $3 billion. The two countries seek to boost it to $5 billion.[6]<\/a>   Algeria ranked fourth among Turkey\u2019s gas suppliers; in 2014 it was agreed to supply gas to Ankara for 10 years. Its natural gas exports to Turkey increased to 4.4 bcm in 2018.[7]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n

    3-Getting Closer to Africa<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

    Turkey\u2019s growing foray into Africa started when President Erdogan came to power in 2003. Ankara spearheaded the strengthening of relations with the African countries, declaring 2005 as the \u201cAfrican Year.\u201d Ahmet Davuto\u011flu, the former Turkish foreign minister, crafted Turkey\u2019s strategic policy towards Africa. He  presented, back then, the general framework of Turkey\u2019s foreign policy  pursued by the AKP; restoring Turkey\u2019s historical presence in  the Ottoman Empire\u2019s former territories. The party opted  to revive the Ottoman Empire\u2019s historical heritage to reap vital economic and political gains. Africa is blessed with fertile soil, mineral treasures, and oil resources. It is seen as a  high yielding market for Turkish products and investments. \u201cThe rise of Africa will support the rise of Turkey and vice versa. We will strengthen our historical special ties in every field and the 21st century will be the century of Africa and Turkey,\u201d said Foreign Minister Davuto\u011flu.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Since 2005, President Erdogan has made 40 visits to 26 countries in Africa and has inaugurated several embassies. Africa has become a strategic region for Turkey. During the Bashir reign, Ankara leased Sudan\u2019s Suakin Port in the Red Sea \u2013 opposite Jeddah Port \u2014 with $4 billion, which Qatar paid.[9]<\/a>  Suakin island was of great strategic significance  to the Ottomans, it was \u2013 for a short period of time \u2013the capital of the Ottoman Empire\u2019s Habesh Eyalet, from which it managed control over maritime navigation.  The Sudanese revolution in December 2018 was a dramatic turning point for Turkey-Sudan relations; calls were made to rethink  the agreement regarding  Suakin Port.  The Sudanese transitional government believes that the Turkish presence in the country   supports the former Sudanese government because of shared Muslim Brotherhood links.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Turkey has employed\u00a0 soft power tools in Africa to present itself as a just country compared to\u00a0 the Western countries which have\u00a0 a foothold in Africa. Ankara has succeeded in establishing a partnership\u00a0 with Africa,\u00a0 its population exceeds\u00a0 1.2 billion people and domestic production is valued at nearly $2.5 trillion.\u00a0 Turkey\u2019s trade volume with the African countries was more than $20 billion in 2019 compared to $3 billion in 2003 and $100 million in 2000. Turkey signed agreements for trade and economic cooperation with 46 countries in Africa. Further, it concluded bilateral investment treaties \u2013 to protect and stimulate trade \u2013 with 28 countries and treaties to avoid\u00a0 double taxation with 12 countries.[10]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n

    \u00a04- Bargaining Chip Against Europe<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n

    Turkey  had been negotiating to be a member state of  the European Union (EU) since 2005; the accession negotiations were halted in 2016. Subsequently, Turkey resorted to blackmailing the EU with  Syrian migrants \u2013 Ankara opened its border, allowing them to flood into Turkey and then into Europe. Approximately 900,000 migrants entered Europe from Turkey in the early months of 2016 ( January and February).  The EU, as a result, signed an agreement with Turkey to stop the flow of migrants to the EU, offering Turkey 5.6 billion euros (approximately $6 billion to $7 billion) in this regard.[11]<\/a> Apparently, Erdogan is planning to conclude a similar deal with Europe via his intervention in Libya, using the card of illegal migrants once again in Africa, if the Government of National Accord falls.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Map1: Countries of the Mediterranean Sea<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"
    Source: \u00a9 <\/strong>Google Maps 2021.\u00a0<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

    II- Motives Behind Turkey\u2019s Presence in Libya<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    During the era of Ottoman invasion, the Turks occupied Libya for nearly 360 years. It was a period marked by  oppression leading to the eruption of several revolutions. Eventually, the Ottomans relinquished  Libya to the Italians in 1912 in return for restoring the Aegean Islands (the Dodecanese) to the Ottoman Empire in the Treaty of Ouchy (also known as the Treaty of Lausanne). Based on this historical record, Erdogan has said that there are 1 million Turks living in Libya, adding that he should fight like Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk, who was a soldier in the Ottoman army in Libya.[13]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    The Libyan crisis has dramatically shifted\u00a0 in favor of the Libyan National Army, prompting the\u00a0 Sarraj government to request Turkey\u2019s military assistance to strengthen its forces to confront\u00a0 the progression\u00a0 of the Libyan National Army.\u00a0 Within a few months of Turkey\u2019s military assistance, the balance of power tilted in favor of the\u00a0 Sarraj government; consequently,\u00a0 Sarraj is now in\u00a0 a much better and more powerful position to negotiate a settlement regarding Libya\u2019s future.\u00a0\u00a0 The most prominent motives\u00a0 driving Turkey\u2019s intervention in Libya are as follows:<\/p>\n\n\n

    1- Economic Motives<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n

    A- The Power Sector<\/p>\n\n\n

    Oil was first discovered in Libya in 1958 and officially produced in 1961. It constitutes 94 percent of the country\u2019s revenues, covering the costs  of various Libyan sectors. Since the Libyan uprising, oil production and exports were hugely impacted  leading to most oil companies that were involved  in oil exploration, production and maintenance withdrawing from Libya. Oil production was halted in January 2020 by tribal leaders as they closed most of the ports and oilfields in eastern Libya, accordingly, living conditions worsened.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Turkey has taken various  steps to reap considerable gains from the Libyan war to secure a permanent power supplier. For 20 years, Turkey has been importing nearly 95 percent of its oil needs  from Libya.  It aims to be  Libya\u2019s oil distributor  to Europe, replacing Libya\u2019s National Oil Corporation. According to OPEC\u2019s Annual Statistical Bulletin 2017, Libya has the fifth largest-proven oil reserves in the Arab world with 48.5 billion barrels; 3.76 percent of the world\u2019s oil reserves. Saudi Arabia is home to  the world\u2019s largest-proven oil reserves, estimated to be 263.9 billion barrels; 20.7 percent of the world\u2019s reserves. Further, the bulletin  confirms that Libya is ranked eighth in the list  proven natural gas reserves in the Middle East with 1.5 trillion cubic meters.[14]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Libya is the largest shale oil producer in the Arab world and ranks  fifth in the world. Its reserves increased from 48 billion barrels to 74 billion barrels. These  huge shale oil reserves are in Libya\u2019s northwestern and southern regions.  They have increased the default age of oil production in Libya from 70 years to 112 years. Further, Libyan natural gas reserves have increased their threshold; from 55 trillion cubic meters to 177 trillion cubic meters.  Libya\u2019s total reserves of shale oil are estimated to be 613 billion barrels.[15]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Map 2: Libyan Oil and Gas Infrastructure<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"
    \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0Source:<\/strong> \u201cMap: Libya\u2019s Oil and Gas Infrastructure,\u201d S&P Global<\/em>, 29, January, 2020, accessed January 12, 2021, http:\/\/bit.ly\/3skckxB<\/a>.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

    The state-run Turkish Petroleum Corporation (TPAO), with investments in Libya exceeding $180 million, had officially started oil exploration in Libya in 2000 and stopped in 2014.\u00a0 It resumed its oil activities after concluding a new agreement with Libya which focuses on\u00a0 oil exploration operations in Turkey\u2019s exclusive economic zones that were finalized\u00a0 in the agreement.\u00a0 TPAO will further, according to the agreement, develop joint energy projects in the so-called \u201cOil Crescent;\u201d a region in northeastern Libya.[16]<\/a> However, major global oil firms have a strong presence in Libya such as: the French oil company Total; the Italian oil company Eni; the US oil company ConocoPhillips Hess Corporation, and the German gas and oil producer Wintershall.<\/p>\n\n\n

    B-The Construction Sector<\/p>\n\n\n

    Turkish contracting companies have handled a considerable number of projects since 1974, but after the Arab Spring, Turkish exports to Libya sharply declined and its economic projects \u2013 worth $19 billion \u2013 stumbled, affecting the Turkish  laborers in Libya. Furthermore, Libyan tourists to Turkey decreased.[17]<\/a>  As part of its efforts to restore its assistance  and economic activities and  ensure more investments  \u2013 especially in the construction sector \u2013 Turkey  sought to secure  a larger  number of potential investment opportunities in Libya\u2019s construction sector and infrastructure worth $120 billion.[18]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    2. Political and Ideological Motives<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Turkey believes that its presence in Libya boosts its influence and projects  its power. It seeks to entrench and deepen its influence there to achieve several factors, most prominently: create a new regional order to transform its role from solely being a  regional player into a more powerful and outstanding major player  that can strengthen the Muslim Brotherhood\u2019s presence in the Maghreb and Egypt.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    At home, Erdogan,\u00a0 via his intervention in Libya, aims to boost support for the AKP\u00a0 in the upcoming elections; he is exerting all efforts possible to secure \u00a0the votes of\u00a0 nationalists and Islamists by \u00a0appealing to \u00a0their nationalistic \u00a0and Islamic sentiments and by creating a crisis that provokes \u00a0the international community. \u00a0Erdogan also strives to export\u00a0 his ideology to the Arab countries, whom he still views as strategic and ideological rivals, accusing them of destroying\u00a0 the Ottoman Empire. The architects of Turkish polices aspire to establish a fake Turkish identity amongst Libyans living in the country\u2019s western regions, based on historical inaccuracies about the Ottoman era. The Turkish National Intelligence Organization (MIT) and its branches have been endeavoring to achieve this goal by promoting Turkey\u2019s narrative about\u00a0 Ottoman heritage and the\u00a0 Turkish language.[19]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n

    III- The Nature of Turkey\u2019s Military Assistance to the National Accord Government<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n\n\n

    In 2014, General Khalifa Haftar emerged as a key player in Libya\u2019s crisis. He expelled the radical Islamists from Benghazi, conquered with the Libyan National Army eastern Libya and started unifying the country by creeping westward to attack Tripoli  to topple the Sarraj  government.  Haftar\u2019s forces retreated from the outskirts of Tripoli back to Sirte, 450 kilometers  east of Tripoli.  He lost what he had achieved in the long months of fighting. The losses experienced by  Haftar\u2019s forces were a direct result of a change  in the balance of power  on the ground, following Turkey\u2019s military assistance to the  Sarraj government. Turkey\u2019s intervention had started years ago when Haftar launched  Operation Karama (Dignity); a war against terrorism in Benghazi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Map 3:\u00a0 The Forces Involved in the Fighting in Libya Before Turkey\u2019s Military Assistance (January 8, 2020)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"
    Photo: <\/strong>AFP \/ Thomas SAINT-CRICQ, December 31, 2019, accessed December 10, 2020.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

    Libya from April-May 2020 witnessed dramatic and influential changes in favor of the National Accord Government at the expense of  Haftar\u2019s forces. The government managed to expand its control stretching over 7,000 square kilometers. The map below shows the areas controlled by the Government of National Accord in April and early June 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

    Map 4: Shifts in Areas of Control in Libya<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    \"\"
    Source<\/strong>: \u201cShifts in the Libyan Civil War,\u201d African Center for Strategic Studies<\/em>, June 16, 2020, accessed January 11, 2020, http:\/\/bit.ly\/2LJ5pNu<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

    On June 25, the Turkish troops launched a wide scale ground offensive to control the Oil Crescent region in eastern Libya, involving F-16 fighter jets and Turkish frigates. The Turkish army crept eastwards up to the power plant in Sirte before retreating to Buwairat Al-Hassoun. By this military move, Erdogan aimed to capture the oil fields to enable the Government of National Accord to compensate Turkey\u2019s new and old losses in Libya.[20]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

    1. Sending Troops <\/strong><\/em><\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n

      Before concluding its agreement with the Government of National Accord, Turkey had sent an advisory committee with its troops to Libya.\u00a0 Turkey\u2019s military presence expanded in the country after the Government of National Accord requested a wide-scale intervention, which turned the tide of Libya\u2019s war in favor of the\u00a0 Sarraj government. The military MoU \u00a0concluded between Turkey and Libya and the approved\u00a0 motion submitted by President Erdogan to authorize the deployment of Turkish troops to Libya enabled Turkey to provide all types of military and security support to the Government of National Accord, including the establishment of Turkish bases in Libya. It is worth mentioning that the MoU between President Erdogan and\u00a0 Sarraj provides a \u201cquick reaction force\u201d to Sarraj\u2019s\u00a0 security and military forces.\u00a0 It also includes sending Turkish military advisors; forging joint military plans and exercises; and Turkey\u2019s financial and military equipment assistance to Libya. The Erdogan-Sarraj\u00a0 MoU also allows bilateral cooperation on intelligence and operations; weapons systems; and using military equipment of ground, air, and naval forces. According to the MoU,\u00a0 a joint office for defense and security cooperation shall be established in Turkey and Libya. Further, Ankara and the Government of National Accord discussed allowing Turkey to use the Misrata naval base and Al-Watiya airbase in Libya. [21]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      2-Arms Supplies and Operational Support<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Turkey transfers arms to Libya by sea and air routes. It has allocated a huge budget to develop  and manufacture fast and sophisticated vessels and submarines,   advance air force capabilities and to expand its drone fleet.  The Turkish cargo ship \u201cAmazon,\u201d arrived at Tripoli port in May 2019 loaded with 40 armored vehicles  for the Government of National Accord-backed militias in Tripoli. The Libyan National Army announced in August 2019 that it shot down a Turkish military cargo plane loaded with ammunition, drones, and multi-service drones.[22]<\/a>   <\/p>\n\n\n\n

       Turkey\u2019s military assistance has gone  through three tracks: first, Turkey\u2019s production and delivery of drones, armored personnel carriers, anti-tank warfare, light and medium arms to Libya. Second, the supply to Libya of old arms stored in  Turkish depots, including aircraft, tanks and artillery. Third, Turkey\u2019s purchase of arms from Eastern Europe and the United States for its army and then re-selling these  to its militias in Libya at a profit.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Through its operational support, Turkey aims to control one side of Tripoli\u2019s outskirts, thus demarcating these outskirts as Tripoli\u2019s new border. The Turks would then enhance their military presence to defend the newly controlled outskirts and attack the territories nearby, hence  effectively drawing dividing lines so that they can announce Tripoli as a state on its own.  Later, the Turks will continue their battles to control the rest of the Libyan provinces. The Libyan army revealed that Turkey mobilized its troops in eastern Misrata and \u201cdeployed advanced military equipment, including surface-to-air missile platforms and long-range field artillery batteries, in addition to large quantities of various war munitions.\u201d[23]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      However, Turkey faces several strategic hurdles in its supply of arms  to the Libyan Government of National Accord, including problems related to combat and logistical support, and  weapon capabilities, and their endurance in operations. Another obstacle is that Turkey is 1,500 kilometers from Libya, raising many logistical problems for Ankara, which is not used to deploying its troops in faraway regions. Further, Turkey cannot impose complete control over Libya\u2019s airspace because it cannot sufficiently carry out in-flight refueling for its air forces and cannot provide  close air support (CAS) for its troops and National Accord ground forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

      3- Re-recruitment of Syria\u2019s Missionaries in Libya<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Erdogan and his government enjoy strong relations with Libya\u2019s militias, most prominently, the militias affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood and the Kataib Misrata (Misrata Brigades). This is in addition to his strong relations with the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG) and other militias fighting against Libya\u2019s national army.[24]<\/a> Turkey\u2019s objective behind establishing ties with  such groups is to recruit them in  its proxy wars, given the possibility that the Turkish people may object to risking  regular Turkish troops.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

      Through its proxy militias, Turkey recruited thousands of Syrian fighters in Libya. According to statistics, the number of Syrian fighters Turkey deployed in Libya is more than 10,000 fighters. The first wave of these fighters arrived in Turkey in late 2019, later they were sent to Libya. The National Accord government  promised them monthly salaries and accommodation. [25]<\/a> International law  prohibits the recruitment of missionaries and using them for terrorist acts, however, Turkey is still keen to use them for two main reasons: first, to prevent the influx of  militias into Turkey in case the Syrian regime manages to completely control northern Syria; second, to support the Sarraj  government and further expand Turkish influence in Libya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

      IV-Repercussions of Turkey\u2019s Intervention in Libya\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

      After Turkey and Libya\u2019s Government of National Accord signed an MoU on the delimitation of maritime jurisdiction areas in the Mediterranean and an MoU on security and defense on November 27, 2019, Libya entered a phase of increasing tensions prompting many national and international parties to curb Turkey\u2019s acts  in Libya. The two MoUs faced local and international rejection because they exceed the powers of  Sarraj as identified in the UN brokered agreement in Skhirat. In addition, the maritime treaty violates international maritime law as there is  no sea border between the two countries. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

      1. Violating Libya\u2019s Sovereignty<\/strong><\/em><\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n

        Turkey aspires to be the most influential power in crafting Libya\u2019s political future.  It applied for an exploration permit in the areas included in  the signed maritime treaty. According to the Turkey-Libya maritime treaty, exploration and pipeline construction must be agreed by the two countries. The Libyan National Army, the Libyan Parliament, and the temporary government rejected the two MoUs because they are illegitimate\/illegal.[26]<\/a>    <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        2-Turning Libya Into a Terrorist Hotbed<\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The looming danger of creating a terrorist hotbed  poses a significant threat to the North African  countries, especially to Egypt. In addition to  deploying fighters,  radical ideologies will be exported as well \u2013 Turkey is exploiting the insecurity and militarization  across Libya. It will be more dangerous if Arab and African young men, who suffer from harsh living conditions and unemployment, are recruited to join  these militias. Given the attractive financial package offered  to fighters in Libya, it is expected that fighters from other nationalities will move to fight in Libya, which will eventually turn into a hotbed for terrorists and missionaries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        3-The \u00a0Control of Militias Affiliated to the Muslim Brotherhood<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Turkey seeks to maintain the Muslim Brotherhood\u2019s project in North Africa after it declined in Tunisia, Algeria, and Egypt. If Turkey succeeded in achieving this goal, Libya will be the bedrock of the Muslim Brotherhood project in the region to revive its power after losing political significance.  Libya is the best country for the Muslim Brotherhood for several reasons: Libya\u2019s geographical location between Egypt and the Maghreb countries; wealth and abundant  natural resources; and the tribal psychology of the Libyan people as they have resisted and struggled against occupiers in the past.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        V-Regional and International Reactions<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        1-Arab Reactions<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        A- The Reaction of the Arab League<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The temporary Libyan government in eastern Libya called on the Arab League, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, and the African Union to take urgent steps  to withdraw their recognition of the  Sarraj government and to condemn the Turkish mobilization in Tripoli. The Arab League expressed \u201cserious concern over the military escalation further aggravating the situation in Libya and which threatens the security and stability of neighboring countries and the entire region.\u201d[27]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        B-Egypt\u2019s Position<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Egypt has serious concerns over the impact of Turkey\u2019s presence in Libya on its national security, given the 1,000 kilometer shared border with Libya. Thus, Egypt condemned the Erdogan-Sarraj  agreement from the very beginning and endeavored to mobilize international efforts to thwart Turkey\u2019s military presence in Libya, stressing its support for the Libyan National Army led by Khalifa Haftar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         The pro-Turkey NGA militias crossing the Sirte and Al-Jufra line: a defense front, prompted the Egyptian army to cross Libya\u2019s eastern border to protect and defend the Egyptian border. The Egyptian army is more likely to succeed militarily as its logistical supply base is quite near unlike the Turkish army, which does not have any  logistical bases nearby.[28]<\/a>  The Egyptian army will advance to the extent enabling it to provide  Haftar\u2019s forces with logistical and combat support to boost their spirits and   protect their rearguard. Then it will be easier for Egypt to creep further to control eastern Libya and probably Tripoli. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        C-The Position of the Maghreb Countries<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The Maghreb countries cannot overlook the rising tensions in Libya, which threaten their security and pave  the way for the influx of migrants, who will constitute an unbearable economic burden on them. The Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) could not reach a common ground and adopt a clear position in regard to the Libyan crisis. The foreign policies of the Maghreb countries are  impacted by many regional and international factors; therefore, they adopt different positions  regarding Libya. Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia, do not support Haftar, and are more  politically inclined towards the Sarraj  government, and welcome Turkey\u2019s political role. Yet, officially, they express their opposition to Turkey\u2019s military support to Libya due to concerns that  Libya will turn into a \u201cnew Syria,\u201d consequently, creating dangerous security problems for them.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Tunisia has lost its position in the Libyan market; it is no longer amongst Libya\u2019s  top 10 trade partners while Turkey has become the third largest exporter to  Libya. There are only 20,000 Tunisians working in Libya. As the Tunisian presence is fading in Libya, Turkish products have increased even in territories outside the control of  the Sarraj government.  [29]<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Amongst the Maghreb countries, Algeria is extremely  concerned  about the Libyan  crisis and rejected Haftar\u2019s military offensive.  At the same time, Algeria declared its objection to any  foreign powers in Libya.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Morocco has adopted the most reserved position  regarding the Libyan crisis, though the UN-brokered agreement which led to the establishment of the Government of National Accord  was held in the Moroccan city Skhirat. Though Moroccan official statements on Libya are quite few, they reflect the country\u2019s support  for the Government of National Accord. The Moroccans still believe that the Skhirat agreement is good and forging many other initiatives on the Libyan crisis will lead to disagreements.[30]<\/a> However, Morocco will be more cautious regarding Libya\u2019s crisis for the following reasons: first, any uncalculated engagement from Morocco in the crisis will invoke Algeria, which views Libya as its backyard. Algeria will consider any Moroccan military support to the Turkish troops as a direct threat against it. Second, Morocco is fully aware of the complexity of the Libyan crisis, which may last for years to come, so there is no room for taking risks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        2-The International Response<\/em><\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        A- The United Nations\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Turkey violated the UN arms embargo on Libya, according to the UN Panel of Experts report, which is released every three months as an update  on the UN Arms Embargo Resolution.  According to paragraph 13 (b) of Resolution 2009 (2011), \u201cthe supply, sale or transfer to Libya small arms, light weapons and related material, temporarily exported to Libya for the sole use of United Nations personnel, representatives of the media and humanitarian and development workers and associated personnel, are to be notified to the Committee, and should include the following information.\u201d[31]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        In a statement, UN Secretary-General Ant\u00f3nio Guterres, called for an immediate ceasefire in Libya and warned Turkey against sending troops to Libya. He said,  \u201cAny foreign support to the warring parties will only deepen the ongoing conflict and further complicate efforts to reach a peaceful and comprehensive political solution.\u201d  In addition, a statement from Guterres\u2019 spokesperson said, \u201cThe Secretary-General reiterates that the continued violations of the Security Council arms embargo imposed by resolution 1970 (2011) and as modified by subsequent resolutions, only make matters worse.\u201d[32]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        B- Europe and NATO<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The Turkey-Libya agreement mapping out maritime boundaries deepened disagreement between Brussels and Ankara. In a statement, the EU leaders condemned the maritime treaty because it is a violation of \u201cthe international law of the sea, the principle of good neighborly relations and the sovereignty and sovereign rights over the maritime zones of all Member States [\u2026.] it does not comply with the Law of the Sea and cannot produce any legal consequences for third States.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

         \u201cThe European Council also reconfirmed the European Union\u2019s position on Turkey\u2019s illegal drilling activities in Cyprus\u2019 Exclusive Economic Zone and unequivocally reaffirmed its solidarity with Greece and Cyprus,\u201d the statement added.[33]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        It is worth mentioning that Turkey\u2019s claim of searching for gas reserves in the eastern Mediterranean  is increasingly worrying for Greece and Cyprus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        France and Italy condemned Erdogan\u2019s interference in Libya and his dispatching of  Turkish troops to Tripoli to support  militias and the  Sarraj government. They also denounced Turkey\u2019s plans to establish two military bases in Libya. Recalling the resolution NATO made at the 2018 Brussels summit on Libya,  NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg  said on May 14, 2020 that NATO is ready to help Libya in the security and defense fields if  Sarraj requests.[34]<\/a>  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        C-The US Position<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The  United States\u2019 involvement in the Libyan crisis was merely for monitoring and  countering terrorist activities. After the EU failed to resolve the Libyan crisis as some EU countries supported the militias operating in Libya, and following Russia\u2019s entrance into the conflict,  Washington hastened to find a decisive resolution  to the crisis. Washington is concerned that Russia may establish a strategic presence in Libya \u2014 exceeding its initial aim, to military support the Libyan army.  The Russian presence might be entrenched later by the deployment of air defense systems to Libya.  Libya will probably acquire a Russian air defense system, posing a danger to  NATO.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Gen. Stephen J. Townsend, commander of the US Africa Command (AFRICOM), cited US concerns over Russia  dispatching   14 MiG-29 and Su-24 fighters to Libya. AFRICOM rang the alarm bell, accusing Moscow of destabilizing Libya, adding that Moscow is attempting to establish strategic presence points in southern Libya  at the expense of innocent Libyan souls.[35]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        VI-Russia and Turkey: Collision or Collusion \u00a0\u00a0to Divide Spheres of Influence<\/strong><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        1-Libya in Russia\u2019s Policy<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        After toppling Gaddafi in 2011, Russia\u2019s role  decreased in Libya. Russia\u2019s President Vladimir Putin aims to achieve several long-term strategic goals: establish maritime influence in the Mediterranean, gain access to a large share of Libya\u2019s oil and gas investments to strengthen Moscow\u2019s hand   to control  global energy policies;  benefit from Libya\u2019s strategic location because it is a gateway  for trade with northern and southern  Africa; and  secure a strategic foothold near  NATO bases in southern Europe. If Russia manages to  entrench its presence in Libya, the deep-water ports of Tobruk and Derna will be useful for Russia\u2019s navy logistically and geopolitically, just like Syria\u2019s Tartus port. Hence, Russia  will have noticeable influence in Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        2-Dual Support<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Haftar in 2015 visited and called on  Moscow, asking for support. In exchange, he promised to grant Moscow the  energy deals and port access it had coveted. Putin accepted his offer. Their cooperation started with Russia  flying dozens of Haftar\u2019s injured soldiers to Moscow  for treatment. Russia provided Haftar with diplomatic support and military advice and increased  the number of Russian military trainers in Libya.[36]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

         According to an article published in The New York Times on November 5, 2020, Russia had \u201cintroduced advanced Sukhoi jets, coordinated missile strikes, and precision-guided artillery, as well as the snipers.\u201d[37]<\/a>  At the level of energy cooperation, a joint Libyan-Russian oil and gas project began operations in Benghazi in April 2020.[38]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Though Moscow is clearly in line with Haftar, it established ties with the  Sarraj government, reflecting   Russia\u2019s duality in Putin\u2019s regional strategy; establishing links with all vital  actors to position Putin  as a decisive decision maker. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        3-The Future of Russia-Turkey Relations in Libya<\/em><\/strong><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The future of Russia-Turkey  relations in Libya is dependent on whether there is  direct\/indirect military confrontation, or an understanding is reached on dividing spheres of influence. According to the first scenario, their interests may diverge or clash leading to confrontation and further complicating the Libyan crisis. A direct military confrontation may erupt between the pro-Turkish  forces and pro-Russian forces, reigniting tensions which they had overcome in 2015 when both countries managed to evade a very dangerous diplomatic crisis to safeguard their mutual collaboration in Syria.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The second scenario is about finding a strategic Russian-Turkish self-serving partnership  to divide the spheres of influence and secure respective interests in Libya. The Turks and the Russians showed us that despite  the tensions and crises between them, they know how to evade direct confrontation. In recent years, their relationship in Syria indicates that Erdogan can  work with his Russian counterpart despite  their divergent military positions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

        Findings<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

        The Turkish intervention in Libya reflects the  AKP\u2019s vision; reviving the glory of the Ottoman Empire and expanding Turkey\u2019s regional plan which it began following the Arab Spring. To achieve  this dream,  Tukey provided political and military support to the National Accord Government, aiming to destabilize the regional balance of power and benefit as follows:  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

        1. Turkey\u2019s direct military intervention will escalate war between Libyan rivals, undermine the political settlement, and make Libya a gateway for  Turkey to penetrate deep inside  the Maghreb and the Mediterranean Sea.<\/li>
        2. The UN mission failed to implement the Skhirat agreement, especially  the items related to security such as  dismantling militias and taking control of their weapons.<\/li>
        3. Securing a foothold in Libya will provide Turkey with a stable and secure oil and gas source, which it really lacks.  This will also help Turkey to create a new regional order and position itself as a powerful\/unique player, so it can support Islamists and strengthen the Muslim Brotherhood in the Maghreb and Egypt.<\/li>
        4. The maritime treaty  will allow Turkey  to control part of the Mediterranean Sea stretching from the Bosphorus Strait in southern Turkey to the Gulf of Sidra in Libya.<\/li><\/ol>\n\n\n\n

          Endnotes<\/strong>:     <\/p>\n\n\n\n

          \n\n\n\n

          [1]<\/a> Henri J Barkey, \u201cTurkey\u2019s \u2018Blue Homeland\u2019 Doctrine on the Mediterranean Takes Shape in Libya,\u201d Ekathimerini,<\/em>  June 23, 2020, accessed July 15, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/3fynmZ7<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [2]<\/a> \u201cControversy After Libya-Linked Turkish Plane Lands in Tunisia,\u201d Asharq al-Awsat<\/em>, May 9, 2020, accessed January 11, 2020,  http:\/\/bit.ly\/3ny7bhB<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [3]<\/a> Ali Rajab, \u201cWhy Turkey Penetrates Into the Maghreb,\u201d Islamist-Movements<\/em>, February 8, 2020, accessed June 14, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2Yx6bjn<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [4]<\/a> Abdullah Hattos, \u201cDoes the \u2018New Ottoman\u2019 Pose a Real Threat to Morocco\u2019s interests?,\u201d Al3omk<\/em>, March 6, 2020, accessed June 11, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2zmyzfw<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [5]<\/a> Basil Torjeman, \u201cTrade Deficit Affect Tunisia-Turkey Relations,\u201d Independent Arabia<\/em>, February 12, 2020, accessed June 14, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2MSJsJ8<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [6]<\/a> \u201cStrategic Objectives of Erdogan\u2019s Visit to Algeria,\u201d Spuntik Arabic<\/em>, January 26, 2020, accessed June 1, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2UwkNOY<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [7]<\/a> Amar Lachemot, \u201cThe Algeria-Turkish Relations: The Historical and Geopolitical Dimension,\u201d Ultra Algeria<\/em>, January 26, 2020, accessed July 1, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2BrlId1<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [8]<\/a> \u201cForeign Minister Davuto\u011flu \u201c21st Century Will Be the Century of Africa and Turkey,\u2019\u201d Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs<\/em>, accessed January 11, 2020,  http:\/\/bit.ly\/39pA62k<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [9]<\/a> J\u00e9r\u00e9mie Berlioux, \u201cTurquie: Vers l\u2019Afrique et au-del\u00e0,\u201d Lib\u00e9ration,<\/em> February 18, 2019, accessed on  June 14, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/3fqLRXV<\/a>. [French]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [10]<\/a> Rajab, \u201cWhy Turkey Penetrates Into the Maghreb.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [11]<\/a> Jassim Mohammed, \u201cDoes Erdogan Blackmail Europe?\u201d  EER<\/em>, May 11, 2020, accessed June 21, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/3egId2u<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [12]<\/a> \u201cErdogan Threatens: Road to Peace in Libya Passes Through Turkey,\u201d al-Arabiya<\/em>, January 18, 2020, accessed June 15, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/37ziLTw<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [13]<\/a> \u201cTurkish Intervention in Libya Puts Region on the Brink of War,\u201d Asharq al-Awsat<\/em>, January 4, 2020, accessed July 6, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/3f9NYja<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [14]<\/a> OPEC Annual Statistical Bulletin<\/em> 2017 (Austria: OPEC, 2017), https:\/\/bit.ly\/38A3ROF<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [15]<\/a> \u201cShale Oil: Libya Ranked First in the Arab world and Fifth in the World,\u201d Ean Libya<\/em>, February 15, 2020, accessed December 3, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/36y3xz2<\/a>. [Arabic]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [16]<\/a> \u201cTurkish Agency: Libya Oil Exploration Pays off Our Debts,\u201d al-Arabiya<\/em>, June 13, 2020, accessed June 16, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/3j85DtR<\/a>. [Arabic]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [17]<\/a> Fatimah Khadim Shirazi, \u201cObjectives and prospects of Turkey’s presence in Libya – Part One,\u201d IPSC, June 24, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/3j85DtR<\/a>. [Persian].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [18]<\/a> \u201cAfter Borders and Influence: Turkey Looks for Libya\u2019s Billions,\u201d Sky News Arabia<\/em>,  March 8, 2020, accessed June 8,2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/3f3lBTg<\/a>. [Arabic]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [19]<\/a> \u201cTurkey\u2019s Long-Term Strategy in Libya,\u201d The Libya Times,<\/em>  June 7, 2020, accessed July 14, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2Cy27YS<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [20]<\/a> Ibid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [21]<\/a> \u201cAnadolu Agency: Libyan-Turkish Memorandum of Understanding for Security and Military Cooperation Comes Into Force,\u201d Spuntik Arabic<\/em>, December 26, 2019, accessed June 7, 2020,  https:\/\/bit.ly\/3onzbVW<\/a>. [Arabic]<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [22]<\/a> Abdulmajid Abu\u2019Ala, \u201cTurkish Military Intervention in Libya: Its Forms and Implications for Terrorist Groups,\u201d ACRSEG, January 12, 2020, accessed 15, June, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2YBdjLF<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [23]<\/a> \u201cTurkish-backed Build-up Seen Targeting Sirte, Eastern Libya,\u201d The Arab Weekly<\/em>, December 24, 2020, accessed February 23, 2021, http:\/\/bit.ly\/3uschRs<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [24]<\/a> Abu\u2019Ala, \u201cTurkish Military Intervention in Libya.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [25]<\/a> \u201cLibya: Is Erdogan embarking on an adventure fuelled by Syrians?\u201d, BBC, June 9, 2020, June 22, 2020, https:\/\/bbc.in\/2V87JiP<\/a> [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [26]<\/a> \u201cAfter Borders and Influence.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [27]<\/a> \u201cArab League Opposes \u2018Interference in Libya\u2019 After Turkey Accords,\u201d Saudi Gazette<\/em>, December 31, 2019, accessed February 24, 2021, http:\/\/bit.ly\/3dBed3Y<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [28]<\/a> Yezid Sayigh \u201cIs Cairo Going to War?,\u201d  Carnegie Middle East<\/em>, June 22,  2020,  accessed June 23, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2BrR56V<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [29]<\/a> \u201cAnalysis: Libya Turns Into a Treasure for Turkey and a Disaster for Egyptians and Tunisians,\u201d DW,  July 12, 2020, accessed June 14, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/30d0IPu<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [30]<\/a> \u201cAfter Erdogan\u2019s Intervention. What is the Maghreb Countries\u2019s Position on Libya\u2019s Crisis?,\u201d DW, January 30, 2020, accessed 23 January 23, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2V9ogTP<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [31]<\/a> \u201cArms Embargo | United Nations Security Council<\/a>,\u201d UNSC<\/em>, [n.d.], accessed June 17, 2020, http:\/\/bit.ly\/3aTdQ37<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [32]<\/a> \u201cStatement Attributable to the Spokesman for the Secretary-General on Libya,\u201d UN<\/em>, January 3, 2020, accessed February 24, 2021,  https:\/\/bit.ly\/2MlhpWf<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [33]<\/a> \u201cAnswer Given by High Representative\/Vice-President Borrell on Behalf of the European Commission,\u201d European Parliament<\/em>, March 20, 2020, accessed February 24, 2021,  http:\/\/bit.ly\/3byyMeP<\/a> .<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [34]<\/a> \u201cThe EU Calls for Ceasefire and Expel of Mercenaries from Libya,\u201d Sky News Arabia, June 10, 2020, accessed June 10, 2020, https:\/\/bit.ly\/2BKP7yy<\/a>. [Arabic].<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [35]<\/a> \u201cWhat to Expect From Entente Between Moscow, Ankara in Libya,\u201d Al-Monitor,  <\/em>June 5, 2020, accessed  December 0, 2020, Via link  https:\/\/bit.ly\/3qCCrPa<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [36]<\/a> Anna Borshchevskaya, \u201cRussia\u2019s Growing Interests in Libya,\u201d The Washington Institute for Near East Policy<\/em>, January 24, 2020, accessed February 24, 2021,  <\/strong>https:\/\/bit.ly\/3kfXJj2<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [37]<\/a> David D. Kirkpatrick, \u201cRussian Snipers, Missiles and Warplanes Try to Tilt Libyan War,\u201d The New York Times<\/em>, November 5, 2020, accessed February 24, 2021, https:\/\/nyti.ms\/2OYKIP8<\/a>.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

          [38]<\/a> Borshchevskaya, \u201cRussia\u2019s Growing Interests in Libya.\u201d<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

          Introduction The return of Turkish influence to Libya is an integral objective  for the Erdogan government, given its promising investment opportunities, oil resources, and significant geopolitical location:  serving as a springboard for Turkish  influence into the Mediterranean and a land bridge connecting the Arab world, Africa, and Europe. Now, Turkey is exploiting the current conflict […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":256,"featured_media":8858,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-8857","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-centre-for-researches-and-studies"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8857","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/256"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8857"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8857\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":8867,"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8857\/revisions\/8867"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8858"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8857"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8857"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/rasanah-iiis.org\/english\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8857"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}