After President Masoud Pezeshkian came to power, there was considerable anticipation regarding the nature of his government. After debates, Iran’s Parliament has now approved all the nominations given by Pezeshkian that he presented as the “unity cabinet.” This is the first time in over two decades that a president has achieved full parliamentary approval for his entire cabinet. His selection of ministers signals to the “hardliners” that he seeks their support during a critical period marked by volatile regional security and domestic public opinion increasingly turning against the establishment.
Iran’s cabinet was formed after the nomination of the president and confirmation by the Parliament. The cabinet has significant power over domestic affairs; however, its role and influence in construing foreign policy is more restricted. Key figures responsible for foreign policy, such as the foreign minister, defense minister, interior minister and intelligence minister also serve on the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC). The SNSC wields substantial power and influence in shaping and steering the country’s foreign policy. Moreover, the SNSC operates under the guidance of the supreme leader — the ultimate arbiter of Iran’s security and foreign policy.
The formation of the new cabinet underscores that, despite a “reformist” president coming to power, significant changes are unlikely to occur. This sentiment is further emphasized by former Foreign Minister Javad Zarif’s resignation from his position as strategic affairs vice president. However, as per recent reports, Zarif has withdrawn his resignation. Upon resigning, Zarif revealed that only three of the 19 ministers introduced were the steering committee’s first choices, with 10 not on the list at all. Zarif said that he resigned because of the frustration due to his inability to implement expert recommendations and include women, youth, and ethnic minorities. Azar Mansouri, the head of the Reform Front, condemned the cabinet proposed by Pezeshkian and said, “One should not expect miracles from this government, especially considering that more than 80% of the country’s power is in the hands of other entities.” Internal conflicts and disagreements within the “reformist” camp have become more overt, particularly concerning the lack of adequate representation — a point raised by numerous leaders.
In an apparent bid to secure approval and support from the establishment, Pezeshkian has included individuals from “hardliner” and military backgrounds in his government. Critics argue that with such a composition, the substantial reforms promised by Pezeshkian during his election campaign are improbable. It is important to note that during the final round of elections against Saeed Jalili, voter turnout slightly increased compared to previous rounds. This surge was largely driven by the public’s desire to prevent a “hardliner” presidency that might suppress reforms and repeat the Raisi government’s harsh response to protests and dissent. However, current prospects for meaningful reform also appear increasingly bleak.
The table below outlines the new cabinet along with a brief overview of their respective backgrounds.
| Ministry | Minister | Background |
| Ministry of Energy | Abbas Aliabadi | He served as a cabinet minister in the Raisi government. |
| Ministry of Foreign Affairs | Abbas Araghchi | He is a former diplomat and was the top nuclear negotiator in the Rouhani government. |
| Ministry of Industry, Mines and Trade | Mohammad Atabak | He is an engineer turned politician. He served in top leadership positions in various companies and is currently the chairman of the National Cement Association. |
| Ministry of Sports and Youth | Ahmad Donyamali | He served as chairman of the Ports and Maritime Organization of Iran and as president of the Canoeing, Rowing & Sailing Federation. |
| Ministry of Communication and Information Technology | Sattar Hashemi | He is an academic turned politician. He served as the deputy minister of technology and innovation in the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology in the Rouahni government. |
| Ministry of Economic Affairs and Finance | Abdolnaser Hemmati | He is an academic and economist who previously served as the governor of the Central Bank of Iran. |
| Ministry of Education | Alireza Kazemi | He served as the deputy minister of education in Raisi’s government. |
| Ministry of Intelligence | Esmaeil Khatib | He was minister of intelligence in the Raisi government. He has held various positions and ranks within the IRGC over the past several decades. |
| Ministry of Cooperatives, Labour and Social Welfare | Ahmad Meydari | He is an economist and has served as the deputy minister for social welfare in the Ministry of Cooperatives, Labour and Social Welfare in the Rouhani government. |
| Ministry of Interior | Eskandar Momeni | He is a senior IRGC commander and was the chief of staff of the 25th Karbala Special Division. He is a former chief of staff of the Malik Ashtar Brigade. |
| Ministry of Defence | Aziz Nasirzadeh | Brigadier General Aziz Nasirzadeh was appointed deputy chief of staff of the armed forces in 2021. He was also the deputy commander of the air force. |
| Ministry of Agriculture | Gholamreza Nouri-Ghezecheh | He has previously held various positions in the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology, the Governor’s Office of West Azerbaijan, and the Economic Coordination Office of East Azerbaijan Province. |
| Ministry of Petroleum | Mohsen Paknejad | He is a former deputy minister of petroleum for supervision of hydrocarbon resources and has held top positions at the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) and Naftiran Intertrade Company (NICO). |
| Ministry of Justice | Amin-Hossein Rahimi | He was the minister of justice in the Raisi government. He has served in various top positions within the judiciary, including deputy for human resources and cultural affairs, prosecutor general of the Court of Audit, and advisor to the head of the judiciary. |
| Ministry of Roads and Urban Development | Farzaneh Sadegh | She is the only female minister in the cabinet. She has earlier served as the deputy of urban planning and director general of architecture and urban design. She was also an advisor to the minister of roads and urban development. |
| Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance | Abbas Salehi | He is a former deputy at the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and has vast experience in academia and government. |
| Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts | Seyyed Reza Salehi-Amiri | He served as the minister of culture and Islamic guidance in the Rouhani government. He was also the president of the National Olympic Committee and the deputy mayor of Tehran for social and cultural affairs. |
| Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology | Hossein Simaei-Sarraf | He served as secretary of the Government Board from 2019 to 2022 and has served in various capacities in the Ministry of Science. |
| Ministry of Health and Medical Education | Mohammad-Reza Zafarghandi | He is a medical surgeon and a distinguished professor at Tehran University of Medical Sciences. He is also the secretary-general of the Islamic Association of the Iranian Medical Society. During the COVID-19 pandemic, he served as the president of the Iranian Medical System Organization. |
The new foreign minister is Abbas Araghchi, whose nomination by President Pezeshkian suggests a possible future pursuit of sanctions relief that aligns with Pezeshkian’s campaign promises to address sanctions as a key factor in tackling Iran’s economic crisis. However, this hinges on multiple factors including the regional security situation as well as the reciprocation from the future US administration that could face bipartisan pressure to take stricter measures against Iran. Recent statements from Araghchi reveal a focus on projecting strength and addressing the IRGC’s calls for retaliation following the killing of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, which is seen as a major security and intelligence failure. It is now crucial for Iran to establish effective deterrence, as previous retaliatory strikes have not succeeded in creating robust deterrence. Araghchi’s responses emphasize retaliation while the actual Iranian response so far has aimed to avoid an escalation into a broader regional war that Iran cannot afford.
Iran’s advancements in uranium enrichment and its strategy to leverage its nuclear threshold status may prevent Iran and the United States from fully re-engaging with the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) as it was before — a situation evident in the unresolved issues during the Vienna negotiations. Araghchi, having several years of experience as Iran’s top nuclear negotiator, recognizes that resolving the nuclear issue is crucial to tackling Iran’s economic challenges. The Pezeshkian administration seeks to implement the ambitious Seventh Development Plan, which targets an 8% annual growth rate — a goal that seems unrealistic given Iran’s economic isolation under sanctions.
Araghchi’s recent discussions with Venezuela’s foreign minister indicate a continuation of Raisi’s foreign policy approach, which focuses on strengthening ties with Latin America, Africa, and Asia. This approach is intended to diversify Iran’s international partnerships while countering Western influence. The strategy also reflects an effort to expand Iran’s geopolitical footprint and secure support from countries outside the traditional Western sphere.
Eskandar Momeni, a senior IRGC commander, has been appointed as interior minister, indicating the continued influence of the IRGC within the cabinet. As in the case of the Raisi government, Momeni’s Interior Ministry will likely maintain IRGC appointments in key roles. Brigadier General Aziz Nasirzadeh has now been appointed as defense minister. He served as deputy chief of staff for the armed forces and was a former air force commander and chief of staff. In a recent statement, Nasirzadeh emphasized that military modernization is a top priority and that building a strong deterrence is crucial. His approach will also likely reflect the interests of Iran’s military establishment.
In Iran’s political landscape, loyalty to the state is based on one’s stance on important issues like the United States and Israel and support for the “Axis of Resistance.” Since national identity itself is deeply rooted in the Iranian revolution and anti-Western sentiments, any deviation from status quo stances is viewed with skepticism. Politicians and leaders are aware of this and are forced to carefully navigate their actions and positions within the demarcations set by the establishment, as in the case of Pezeshkian’s proposed cabinet. Several ministers in the current cabinet have previously served under Raisi and Rouhani and many of them also have a military background which suggests continuity in the approach and policies of Pezeshkian’s government. It now remains to be seen how the new government will navigate the current geopolitical challenges amid the ongoing labor protests and lingering tensions that could potentially trigger wider protests and exacerbate domestic tensions.
